Thom Tillis (R-NC), a senator since 2015 who announced he will not seek reelection in 2026, has a modest individual-stock trading footprint: reported transactions exist (including IBM-distributed Kyndryl shares) but volumes are small and he had one ~9-month-late STOCK Act disclosure that his office blamed on a website processing error. His financial profile is dominated by real estate and funds, with most wealth built pre-office at IBM and PwC, so net-worth enrichment from office is not evident. The clearest accountability signals are heavy financial-sector campaign money concentrated alongside his seats on the Banking and Finance Committees (correlation, not proof) and an above-median missed-vote rate (7.2% lifetime). Older controversies (2012 staff-lobbyist relationships, 2014-era PAC-coordination and straw-donor complaints) bear on revolving-door and campaign-conduct context but are not findings of personal-use enrichment.
Public record
In Congress since
2015
Committees
Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Finance Judiciary Veterans' Affairs Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
Missed votes, 119th Congress
12.5% (114 of 915; median member 1.9%)
Campaign money, 2025–26 cycle
$4.7M raised · 32% from PACs & committees · $3.6M cash on hand FEC ↗
The stock-trading ban
Senate cloture on H.R. 7008, Sep 30, 2026
Yes
Cosponsored a ban bill
None
H.R. 7008 bans new stock purchases by members, spouses and dependents; it doesn't force sales of existing holdings. The Senate vote was on the version paired with the SAVE Act, which is why no Democrat voted yes. Full breakdown →
Disclosed stock trades
No periodic transaction reports on file since 2024. That's the norm: most members don't trade individual stocks, or hold them in blind trusts and diversified funds.
Amounts are the ranges members must report, not exact values. The STOCK Act requires a report within 45 days of a trade; "late" counts days past that deadline, measured to the filing date.
How the score breaks down
Stock self-trading
25% weight
22
Trackers report roughly 98 transactions across ~96 stocks since 2015, mostly small ($1,001-$15,000) lots; includes Kyndryl shares distributed via IBM. One ~9-month-late STOCK Act filing (Aug 2022 Kyndryl sale disclosed July 2023), which his office attributed to a website processing error. Sits on Banking and Finance Committees, creating sector-overlap potential, but no documented suspicious timing or market-beating returns. Low volume and small dollar amounts keep the score modest.
Estimated net worth ~$7.7M-$10.9M, dominated by real estate (Huntersville, Washington, Nashville residences) and bond/equity funds. Reporting indicates most wealth was built pre-office during his IBM and PwC careers, which the rubric excludes. No sourced evidence of growth beyond salary plus market returns attributable to office, so no penalty applied.
Money → action alignmentcorrelation, not proof of any quid-pro-quo
20% weight
52
CORRELATION, NOT PROOF. Heavy financial-sector concentration alongside Banking and Finance Committee seats: career totals include ~$836K commercial banking, ~$709K private equity, ~$328K hedge funds, with top 2020 donors Blackstone, Truist, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America, Wells Fargo. OpenSecrets dubbed him a 'Wall Street ally.' Demonstrates concentration and committee alignment; no specific quid-pro-quo vote established, so this reflects access/alignment rather than proven self-dealing.
No sourced evidence of campaign or leadership-PAC funds spent on personal benefit. Existing complaints concern alleged illegal coordination with outside PACs (Cambridge Analytica/Bolton SuperPAC, NRA) and a straw-donor scheme involving DeJoy employees, none of which are personal-use enrichment findings. Absence is not penalized per rubric.
A 2012 state-era scandal saw his chief of staff and a policy adviser resign over relationships with lobbyists; the adviser had herself moved from lobbying into his office (revolving door), and he gave both severance. This predates his Senate tenure and is conduct-related rather than a family-contract or systematic staff-to-lobbyist enrichment pattern. No sourced evidence of family members lobbying his office or contracts tied to his position.
Missed 308 of 4,289 roll-call votes (7.2%) from 2015 to June 2026, well above the ~2.8% senator median, and was 5th-most-absent among 10+ year senators in 2024. He disclosed a ~$2.0M fundraising haul in a single recent period, indicating active fundraising. Above-median absenteeism plus heavy fundraising supports a moderate score; no sourced paid-speech data.
Sources behind this score: 3 news reporting · 3 data aggregator · 4 reference database. Score = weighted average of the components that have data; the 1 without sourced evidence are excluded, never counted against the member. Methodology →
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