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Official portrait of Frank D. Lucas

Frank D. Lucas

R Republican · Representative, Oklahoma 3rd district
14
Low self-dealing
4/6 components have data
#143 of 193 scored

Frank D. Lucas (R-OK), one of the longest-serving members of the Oklahoma delegation, holds wealth concentrated in farmland and oil-and-gas royalties rather than securities; public trackers and reporting show no evidence of individual-stock STOCK Act trading, so the highest-weighted self-dealing metric scores zero. His median net worth grew from about $1 million in 2008 to roughly $2.6 million by 2024, but much of that increase is attributed to inherited farmland (acquired after his mother's 2020 death) now producing oil-and-gas royalties, which is non-tenure-driven and not scored as enrichment. As a senior member of the Financial Services, Science, and former Agriculture committees, his donor base concentrates in finance and agribusiness sectors, creating correlation-not-proof influence exposure but no documented quid pro quo. No campaign-fund personal-use findings, family-lobbying ties, or notable absenteeism surfaced; his lifetime missed-vote rate (~2.9%) is modestly above the chamber median. Overall the record is comparatively clean.

Public record

In Congress since
1993
Committees
Agriculture
Financial Services
Missed votes, 119th Congress
1.6% (11 of 674; median member 1.9%)
Campaign money, 2025–26 cycle
$907K raised · 74% from PACs & committees · $533K cash on hand FEC ↗

The stock-trading ban

H.R. 7008 passage, Jul 22, 2026
Yes
Cosponsored a ban bill
None

H.R. 7008 bans new stock purchases by members, spouses and dependents; it doesn't force sales of existing holdings. The Senate vote was on the version paired with the SAVE Act, which is why no Democrat voted yes. Full breakdown →

Disclosed stock trades

No periodic transaction reports on file since 2024. That's the norm: most members don't trade individual stocks, or hold them in blind trusts and diversified funds.

Amounts are the ranges members must report, not exact values. The STOCK Act requires a report within 45 days of a trade; "late" counts days past that deadline, measured to the filing date.

How the score breaks down

Stock self-trading
25% weight
0
No evidence of individual-stock trading. Lucas's disclosed assets are farmland and oil-and-gas royalties; reporting and trade trackers show no securities transactions under the STOCK Act. Per rubric, absence of individual-stock trading scores 0.
Net-worth enrichment in office
15% weight
12
Median net worth rose from ~$1M (2008) to ~$2.6M (2024). However, much of the gain is attributed to farmland inherited after his mother's 2020 death, now yielding oil-and-gas royalties, plus farm income and market appreciation. Inherited/pre-office-style asset growth is largely outside salary-plus-market enrichment, but the magnitude and royalty windfall warrant a modest, not zero, score given some ambiguity about tenure-linked appreciation.
Money → action alignmentcorrelation, not proof of any quid-pro-quo
20% weight
35
CORRELATION, NOT PROOF. As longest-serving Republican on House Financial Services, chair of the Science Committee, and former Agriculture Committee chair (2014 farm bill), Lucas draws concentrated finance and agribusiness donor money that aligns with his committee jurisdictions. This is a structural alignment of industry money and policy portfolio, not evidence of a quid pro quo; no specific vote-for-dollars finding was documented.
Campaign-fund personal useno data
15% weight
—
No documented FEC complaints, enforcement actions, or reporting alleging personal use of campaign or leadership-PAC funds were found. Per rubric, absence is not penalized.
Revolving door & familyno data
15% weight
—
No documented evidence of family members lobbying on matters tied to his office or of a notable staff-to-lobbyist pipeline. LegiStorm tracks his staff but searches surfaced no specific revolving-door findings. Absence not penalized.
Skips the job to fundraise
10% weight
10
Over a long career Lucas missed 581 of 20,063 roll-call votes (~2.9%), modestly worse than the ~2.1% median for currently serving members. No evidence of heavy paid-speech income or fundraising-driven absenteeism; the slightly elevated miss rate yields a low score.

Sources behind this score: 3 news reporting · 1 data aggregator · 4 reference database · 1 official record. Score = weighted average of the components that have data; the 2 without sourced evidence are excluded, never counted against the member. Methodology →

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